December is a month that holds many meanings for all of us.  Often our views
differ as do our chosen Holidays.  Our Western world celebrates December
with gift giving in some form in nearly all traditions.  Our real gift to
each other is the gift of love and understanding.  Our ability to give and
to differ, to live our lives according to our own choice, is inherent to the
principle of freedom.

America has often been pointed to as the "great experiment."  We bring
peoples of all race, nationality, religious belief and other so-called
difference together and promise to provide them the right to be free.
Americans often fail to realize that in many ways they are the leaders with
respect to individual rights and freedoms.

This December finds America at war--war against and on terrorism.  Still,
while we're at war, we continue to give.  The fabric of America must make
one proud to stand up and say, "I'm American."

Many men and women have given their lives for our freedom.  Many more of our
courageous citizens lay their lives on the line the Holiday season so that
we may all celebrate once again our liberty and freedom.

Many Americans celebrate the gift of eternal life given by Jesus.  Many
others celebrate a holy holiday for other reasons.  We, as one great nation
stand undivided in both our freedoms and our commitment to freedom
everywhere in the world.  It is for this reason that we have chosen to post
this month as our free e-text the immortal words of another of our great
countries great people!

--

Give Me Liberty Or Give Me Death

By

Patrick Henry
March 23, 1775

No man thinks more highly than I do of the patriotism, as well as abilities,
of the very worthy gentlemen who have just addressed the House. But
different men often see the same subject in different lights; and,
therefore, I hope it will not be thought disrespectful to those gentlemen
if, entertaining as I do opinions of a character very opposite to theirs, I
shall speak forth my sentiments freely and without reserve. This is no time
for ceremony. The questing before the House is one of awful moment to this
country. For my own part, I consider it as nothing less than a question of
freedom or slavery; and in proportion to the magnitude of the subject ought
to be the freedom of the debate. It is only in this way that we can hope to
arrive at truth, and fulfill the great responsibility which we hold to God
and our country. Should I keep back my opinions at such a time, through fear
of giving offense, I should consider myself as guilty of treason towards my
country, and of an act of disloyalty toward the Majesty of Heaven, which I
revere above all earthly kings.

Mr. President, it is natural to man to indulge in the illusions of hope. We
are apt to shut our eyes against a painful truth, and listen to the song of
that siren till she transforms us into beasts. Is this the part of wise men,
engaged in a great and arduous struggle for liberty?  Are we disposed to be
of the number of those who, having eyes, see not, and, having ears, hear
not, the things which so nearly concern their temporal salvation? For my
part, whatever anguish of spirit it may cost, I am willing to know the whole
truth; to know the worst, and to provide for it.

I have but one lamp by which my feet are guided, and that is the lamp of
experience. I know of no way of judging of the future but by the past. And
judging by the past, I wish to know what there has been in the conduct of
the British ministry for the last ten years to justify those hopes with
which gentlemen have been pleased to solace themselves and the House. Is it
that insidious smile with which our petition has been lately received? Trust
it not, sir; it will prove a snare to your feet. Suffer not yourselves to be
betrayed with a kiss. Ask yourselves how this gracious reception of our
petition comports with those warlike preparations which cover our waters and
darken our land. Are fleets and armies necessary to a work of love and
reconciliation? Have we shown ourselves so unwilling to be reconciled that
force must be called in to win back our love? Let us not deceive ourselves,
sir. These are the implements of war and subjugation; the last arguments to
which kings resort. I ask gentlemen, sir, what means this martial array, if
its purpose be not to force us to submission? Can gentlemen assign any other
possible motive for it? Has Great Britain any enemy, in this quarter of the
world, to call for all this accumulation of navies and armies? No, sir, she
has none. They are meant for us: they can be meant for no other. They are
sent over to bind and rivet upon us those chains which the British ministry
have been so long forging. And what have we to oppose to them? Shall we try
argument? Sir, we have been trying that for the last ten years. Have we
anything new to offer upon the subject? Nothing. We have held the subject up
in every light of which it is capable; but it has been all in vain. Shall we
resort to entreaty and humble supplication? What terms shall we find which
have not been already exhausted? Let us not, I beseech you, sir, deceive
ourselves. Sir, we have done everything that could be done to avert the
storm which is now coming on. We have petitioned; we have remonstrated; we
have supplicated; we have prostrated ourselves before the throne, and have
implored its interposition to arrest the tyrannical hands of the ministry
and Parliament. Our petitions have been slighted; our remonstrances have
produced additional violence and insult; our supplications have been
disregarded; and we have been spurned, with contempt, from the foot of the
throne! In vain, after these things, may we indulge the fond hope of peace
and reconciliation. There is no longer any room for hope. If we wish to be
free-- if we mean to preserve inviolate those inestimable privileges for
which we have been so long contending--if we mean not basely to abandon the
noble struggle in which we have been so long engaged, and which we have
pledged ourselves never to abandon until the glorious object of our contest
shall be obtained--we must fight! I repeat it, sir, we must fight! An appeal
to arms and to the God of hosts is all that is left us!

They tell us, sir, that we are weak; unable to cope with so formidable an
adversary. But when shall we be stronger? Will it be the next week, or the
next year? Will it be when we are totally disarmed, and when a British guard
shall be stationed in every house? Shall we gather strength but irresolution
and inaction? Shall we acquire the means of effectual resistance by lying
supinely on our backs and hugging the delusive phantom of hope, until our
enemies shall have bound us hand and foot? Sir, we are not weak if we make a
proper use of those means which the God of nature hath placed in our power.
The millions of people, armed in the holy cause of liberty, and in such a
country as that which we possess, are invincible by any force which our
enemy can send against us. Besides, sir, we shall not fight our battles
alone. There is a just God who presides over the destinies of nations, and
who will raise up friends to fight our battles for us. The battle, sir, is
not to the strong alone; it is to the vigilant, the active, the brave.
Besides, sir, we have no election. If we were base enough to desire it, it
is now too late to retire from the contest. There is no retreat but in
submission and slavery! Our chains are forged! Their clanking may be heard
on the plains of Boston! The war is inevitable--and let it come! I repeat
it, sir, let it come.

It is in vain, sir, to extenuate the matter. Gentlemen may cry, Peace,
Peace-- but there is no peace. The war is actually begun! The next gale that
sweeps from the north will bring to our ears the clash of resounding arms!
Our brethren are already in the field! Why stand we here idle? What is it
that gentlemen wish? What would they have? Is life so dear, or peace so
sweet, as to be purchased at the price of chains and slavery? Forbid it,
Almighty God! I know not what course others may take; but as for me, give me
liberty or give me death!